In mid-March, advocate groups in New Orleans discovered that a few hundred asylum seekers and migrants had been moved to River Correctional Facility (RCF), a parish prison in Ferriday, LA operated by LaSalle Correctional Corporation. The move was made outside of any official ICE registry. In mid-April it was revealed that thousands more were being moved to two other LaSalle-owned facilities, similarly with no public record or paper trail to document their movement.
In 2019 there seems no end in sight to the movement of unhinged capital into New Orleans real estate. While every city struggles with the racialized displacement of poor people and precarious renters due to outside development, the legacy of redlining, the failure of the federal levees after Hurricane Katrina, and the predatory re-development of the city in the flood’s wake have led to a crisis of displacement, eviction and whitening of New Orleans. City and State housing policies (and lack thereof) have led to the complete commodification of housing— one which favors landlords, speculator investment and backdoor subsidizing of lucrative subleasing schemes. And finally, with the additional element of AirBnB and whole-home short-term rentals (STRs) being introduced in the last half decade, this process has truly gone off the rails. But this is not going unopposed; many are working to expose the eviction crisis, close off AirBnB futures and strategize on how to crash the housing bubble. Additionally, there are ways anyone can participate in the fight to take back homes and land from the market and return them to people.
It’s a simple process that hinges on vigilance and reporting every violation every day you see one. Each violation can be fined up to $500, so if you report multiple violations a day, and report multiple violations a week, the fines can accumulate quickly!
First, how do you know if an AirBnB/short-term rental is illegal?
Greedy politicians and business owners can’t resist investing in the Crescent City’s tourist economy, making depraved capitalist decisions on spending and legislation that benefit businesses over New Orleanians. City officials and business owners’ romance with investment in tourism has resulted in the creation of the largest police remote monitoring camera surveillance systems in the nation for a city of this size.
Residents of New Orleans have criticized the cameras for destroying the freewheeling rakish character of the city and expressed concern that “revelers will lose their taste for revelry.” Government oversight groups disparage surveillance technologies like the New Orleans police camera program for their disparate racial impacts, which further criminalize black populations, and for threatening privacy rights. While vital infrastructure remains in disrepair and the state maintains the second-highest incarceration rate in the nation, the City of New Orleans plans to invest in new technologies to automate policing and increase tourist revenue.
A lack of access to adequate and dignified healthcare is often a struggle for those in the sex trade, particularly for those who work in the streets. This is due to lack of access to transportation, availability of healthcare professionals trained in working with people who trade sex, and cost of clinics and meds. Numerous historical atrocities perpetrated upon already underserved populations by conventional medicine has led to an understandable and healthy distrust of the current system of healthcare and medicine.
Many times New Orleans “ghost tours” take a serious matter, such as slavery, and embellish a particular moment with graphic and scripted dialogue for spectacle, while going little into the actual histories of those oppressed peoples who largely built and established much of the unique culture of New Orleans. Some haunted history tours go as far as placing these hard, factual histories alongside stories of ghosts, vampires and the paranormal, which seems to categorize slavery with the supernatural.
Among the plethora of haunted history tours in the Vieux Carre, the mansion of Delphine LaLaurie remains one of the most visited sites. The building was made infamous in 1834 when responders to a fire inside the home witnessed the torture of enslaved people. The paper at the time, the New Orleans Bee, reported that after breaking down the locked doors to the slave quarters, responders found “seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated… suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn from one extremity to the other.”
In the shadow of three black church burnings in April the son of a St. Landry Parish Sheriff’s officer, we wanted to think about possible avenues of solidarity with black community spaces. In the following piece, comrades from North Carolina share more about their experience with armed community defense after publicly tearing down Confederate monuments in Durham and Chapel Hill and running white supremacists out of Charlottesville.
Peter Morgan had a nice little business selling fashion patches out of his parents’ house at 14 St Bridget Dr., way out in the furthest corner of Kenner, cozied precariously between the lake and the Duncan Canal floodwall marking the end of the suburbs and start of the swamp. He cares a whole lot about the environment, he’ll have you know.
Peter’s wife Kearstin is a birth doula and owner of Sacred Transitions Nola, whose pastel-colored website looks like it could be straight out of some west-coast hipster wellness enclave.
Both she and Peter are fascists who would like to see Louisiana become a white ethno-state.
On February 7, 2019, Haiti erupted in revolt. Protesters fed up with miserable living conditions and enraged at recent government embezzlement scandals took their anger out on the luxury cars of the country’s small wealthy minority. In the following days, demonstrators clashed with police, assaulted President Jovenel Moïse’s house with rocks, shut down transportation and commerce with road blockades, looted, burned down buildings, and facilitated a jailbreak in which 78 prisoners escaped. The police were unable to reach the prison because of burning barricades.
While some escaped, others were arrested, injured, or killed by police. The government was not lenient. According to the Haiti Information Project, in the ensuing months the Haitian government has armed and paid gangs to attack and burn areas inhabited by rebels.
Over the course of a couple months, the queer open sex culture of New Orleans was replaced with a Starbucks. Two bars with a storied past of raunchy gay sex on their premises were visited by the State, told to turn off their porn and make their customers stop fucking all over the place. On December 19, 2018, the Alcohol and Tobacco Commission cited French Quarter gay bar The Rawhide after a complaint was filed in September alleging “lewd public sex acts,” male prostitution, pornography, drug use, and “pup play” – all of which had apparently been illegal in bars all along. Shortly after the Rawhide’s hearing before the ATC, the Phoenix bar was subjected to the same treatment – not an old-fashioned raid, but a series of “compliance checks” by the ATC, ending with a hearing and citations. The results were the same in each case: no more pornography, no more sex on premises.
On May 8, 2019, incarcerated citizens at Louisiana State Prison at Angola, their families, and other supporters will mark the anniversary of a nationally-reported prison strike and work stoppage on that date in 2018, calling the commemoration “Mayday” to highlight the sense that it is a distress call to everyone that believes all people have human rights. Members of Decarcerate Louisiana admit that prison administrators have made limited efforts to address some of the prisoners’ grievances, but little has actually occurred to meet the demands put forward a year ago.
Throwing things is an integral part of anarchist/anti-capitalist praxis. But it’s important to know what to throw. This is a review of different projectiles, highlighting their highest and best use.